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2019 Vol.34, Issue 4 Preview Page
28 February 2019. pp. 673-687
Abstract
This paper claims that sluicing constructions in Korean do not involve sluicing contra Takahashi (1993, 1994). It will furthermore be demonstrated that sluicing constructions are not cleft constructions (Nishiyama, Whitman, and Yi 1996, and Park 2001 among others), using the diagnoses by Merchant (2001). It will be demonstrated that the two major arguments of the cleft approach for Korean sluicing constructions, namely, ‘parallels in case’ and ‘optional copula’ cannot be arguments for the cleft approach, which just follows from the present proposal of the non-elliptical wh-question for Korean sluicing constructions. It will also be demonstrated that the present proposal sufficiently deals with postposition stranding in Korean sluicing constructions for which the cleft approach fails. The current proposal has a nontrivial implication on the typology of sluicing constructions across languages: non-elliptical wh-question in addition to sluicing and cleft.
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Information
  • Publisher :The Modern Linguistic Society of Korea
  • Publisher(Ko) :한국현대언어학회
  • Journal Title :The Journal of Studies in Language
  • Journal Title(Ko) :언어연구
  • Volume : 34
  • No :4
  • Pages :673-687