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This paper conducts a contrastive analysis of the evidentiality and person restriction associated with the Korean ‘-deo-(-더-)’ and the Chinese ‘来着(lái zhe)’. The study confirms that both forms function as evidential markers. The Korean ‘-deo-(-더-)’ serves as a marker of direct evidentiality and is used when the speaker has directly observed an action. Consequently, a first-person subject restriction arises in declarative sentences containing ‘-deo-(-더-)’ because speakers cannot directly observe their own actions. In contrast, the Chinese ‘来着 (lái zhe)’ indicates that the speaker possesses definite evidence of an event they have personally experienced and expresses confidence in their recollection of that experience. Considering these differences in person restriction, this paper examines the similarities and contrasts between the Korean ‘-deo-(-더-)’ and the Chinese ‘来着 (lái zhe)’ through a comparative analysis.
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- Publisher :The Modern Linguistic Society of Korea
- Publisher(Ko) :한국현대언어학회
- Journal Title :The Journal of Studies in Language
- Journal Title(Ko) :언어연구
- Volume : 41
- No :3
- Pages :293-307
- DOI :https://doi.org/10.18627/jslg.41.3.202511.293


The Journal of Studies in Language





